The point here is the electoral trade-off between what could plausibly happen in the capital and the provinces – with Corbyn entering Downing Street in consequence.
The only way of ruling it out is to change the table itself: in other words, to abandon Brexit, or prepare to – as Remainers should admit.
Not only would he hand control to a minority of MPs, but the supposed cross-party requirement would count defectors as endorsement from the Government benches.
Today, May is swinging towards her Party’s leavers. The logic of the Chancellor’s position, and that of his allies, is to block her – or try to.
Eight MPs, seven categories. Some of them pro-Brexit, others anti-Corbyn, some both. How supportive of the Government might they become?
The more one thinks about it, the more problematic it becomes.
The message from our Party members’ panel is clear: activists want no change to exit day – and delaying it would risk a backlash.
Nine in ten respondents to our survey are opposed – just as they were in December.
The closer the prospect of it gets, the more some people warm to it – as the BBC’s Question Time suggested this week.
But the majority for such a solution is slender. And well over two in five respondents reject the deal entirely.
Farage urged everyone to prepare for a second referendum, and concluded: “Next time, as far as I’m concerned, it’s no more Mr Nice Guy.”
Neither is at all likely indeed to succeed May if they nod reluctant assent to any scheme to sign up to the Customs Union – which might not succeed in any event.
But the Prime Minister had to proceed with caution in the No Confidence debate, in order to arouse no suspicion that she might seek moderate Labour votes.
The biggest defeat in modern times and the largest Tory rebellion won’t stop her trying to resurrect her deal.
He suggested that it would be absurd to reject the Government’s motion merely because of the Northern Ireland backstop.