Our survey. A majority of Party members back May’s deal – if changes can be made to the backstop.
The proportion of respondents opposing it at any cost has fallen from well over two in five to over one in three.
The proportion of respondents opposing it at any cost has fallen from well over two in five to over one in three.
If the United Kingdom’s negotiating position appears incoherent, much of the blame rests with those who put the legislature in charge.
Our Government alone isn’t entitled to finalise a deal. It must have Parliamentary endorsement. And this Commons rejected the deal by a record margin.
Javid is right to bury the “tens of thousands” target – but he needs to set out a clear pathway to lower migration.
The Prime Minister’s previous form suggests that she will keep kicking the can down the road, or try to – even after the road runs out.
The Leader of the Opposition looked totally incapable of taking over.
He learned at Westminster Council and City Hall the politics of persuading people to agree.
The Prime Minister doesn’t need to endorse every dot and comma of it. But she does need to show the EU that the Commons and her Party can agree on something.
He advised the man who co-won a Nobel Peace Prize for his work on the Belfast Agreement – and argues that the backstop breaches it.
The Speaker is unlikely to select backbench amendments designed to help her, so her least bad option is a Government one.
Between the idea and the reality, between the motion and the act, falls the shadow.
A tweet from Greg Hands gets to the heart of the matter in a single sentence.
In which the EU’s Chief Negotiator displays exactly the “magical thinking” that is decried when Brexiteers undertake it.
Is it reasonable to expect more political benefit from record numbers in employment, record numbers of vacancies, and wages rising faster than inflation?
They are curiously well-matched, for both of them prefer repetition to entertainment.