“It is a shame” that Soubry, Wollaston and Allen left the Party, Rees-Mogg says. Plus: May should sack Rudd and friends if they vote for Cooper-Letwin.
We all want Brexit over and done with now, but the deal has to be the right one for our country.
She hopes to move quickly while Labour is splitting, get a quick gloss on the backstop, square the ERG with a hint of Malthouse later – and, hey presto, the deal will be done.
The whole plan involves maintaining a public-facing theatre of constitutional normalcy which will only further impede scrutiny and accountability.
Perhaps we will find out today why Downing Street and the whips stuck with a motion that risked revolt by ERG members and second referendum backers alike.
Rather than collude with MPs to take power out of May’s hands, it is colluding with her in keeping it there – presumably with the aim of a last-minute backstop offer.
On the Cooper amendment, 25 Labour MPs either rebelled or abstained – including half a dozen shadow ministers.
The Prime Minister’s previous form suggests that she will keep kicking the can down the road, or try to – even after the road runs out.
If it passes, a signal will be sent that the Commons is likely to take control of Brexit policy – even if the Brady amendment also passes.
On the day that Labour comes out in favour of extension, the Prime Minister doesn’t rule out supporting the move.
The Prime Minister doesn’t need to endorse every dot and comma of it. But she does need to show the EU that the Commons and her Party can agree on something.
The way to head these moves off – and this development is anticipated in the Cooper Bill which I am supporting – is to put an agreement in place.
The Health Secretary says he “emphatically” does not want No Deal, but it is “incumbent” on those who share that view to support a solution.
She insists to Marr that she is trying to deliver a “good deal”, not to disrupt Brexit.
The Speaker is unlikely to select backbench amendments designed to help her, so her least bad option is a Government one.