Given the EU’s risk levels, its lack of investment in NATO and its poor relations with its neighbours, it is hardly an attractive partner; more of a liability.
I could reveal how it was made available to me, but I’d have to shoot you were I to tell you.
The Coronavirus pandemic has taught us the importance of supply chain security, whether for PPE or critical minerals.
Before any deals are signed, MPs should get to vote on them – as will be the case with the other parties.
We need to switch from specifying “what’s allowed to open” to “what in the interest of public health needs to continue to be restricted.”
New opportunities for our exporters, and the foundations for a powerful international partnership with the clout to take on Brussels or Beijing.
The CBI supports the Government’s timetable and Starmer is keeping his head down. It is quite the turnaround.
Furthermore, the change creates a brand new cart to put before the horse – that’s to say, the awaited defence and security review.
Specific governance arrangements can be established in individual areas, and an agreement should sit outside the overarching institutional framework.
Like it or not, the EU agreed to two customs territories on the island of Ireland – and a solution to the disagreement flows from that fact.
Britain’s strategic over-reliance on imports leaves us exposed to Beijing, which views trade as an extension of state power.
Essentially, the EU seems to want a controlled partnership, not a partnership that works because there are shared values and common interests.
More delay would playing into the hands of the SNP and other opposition parties who claim that ‘Westminster isn’t delivering.’
It is clear from the Declaration that the Council’s directives for negotiating the future relationship with the UK have departed substantially from it.
First Minister reacts to news that there will be border checks on goods between Northern Ireland and UK mainland.