“We’ve already announced £4.2 billion for that, what we’ve actually done is top that up, as you’ve said, by £1.5 million.”
The Chancellor will have have more money to play with than was forecast. How he uses these additional resources will tell us a great deal about his priorities.
Conservative governments can raise tax rates temporarily as part of a clear plan – which wasn’t the case with last week’s announcement.
The overseas aid and Universal Credit decisions suggest that, for the first time in a while, the cause of fiscal conservatism is gaining the upper hand.
Ministers cannot simply continue to perpetuate a broken system because of the painfully obvious but so often unspoken political risk implicit in reforming the market.
Despite a surprisingly liberal migration policy, the bulk of the post-Brexit evidence so far suggests not.
The Government can’t deliver levelling up without more supply-side change, localism and public service reform.
Providing small businesses with technology and training will accelerate our recovery from Coronavirus.
Japan, Korea, Taiwan and now China, have all invested heavily in new technologies – through government support for new industries.
And the Chancellor’s score survives the Budget relatively intact: his score is down, but there is no sudden collapse.
The last Prime Minister to seize the centre ground and reduce the opposition to this kind of impotent anger was Tony Blair in his early years.
Fifty eight per cent think was good or very good; 34 per cent a mix of good and bad.
Evidence does not suggest Britain is at the sweet spot on the Laffer Curve where raising it will cut revenue, nor that doing so will harm investment.
Targeted support aimed at making work pay or supporting families with children would be a wiser use of the money.