This is not the first time that the Prime Minister has been misread by opponents who deluded themselves into believing he was set on No Deal.
In a world that changes as fast as this one, constant intellectual regeneration should be our goal. Our recovery papers are a contribution to that.
It’s a surprisingly large Government majority: 24 independents and 19 Labour MPs voted with the Government.
The Chequers Plan has been dead for some time, but Johnson has now read the funeral rites over it.
Seven voted for Grieve’s motion, six voted against, and the remaining eight did not vote.
Mark Spencer has reportedly rung round to inform them that they have lost the Whip.
Plus: The Chief Whip’s swift transformation from Francis Urquhart to Mr Bean. And: why I can’t bring myself to vote Tory in the local elections.
Though there may have been extenuating circumstances – namely, contradictory instructions from Number Ten and the Whips respectively.
Details of the proposals negotiated to try to bring the Conservative Party together.
He learned at Westminster Council and City Hall the politics of persuading people to agree.
The point here is the electoral trade-off between what could plausibly happen in the capital and the provinces – with Corbyn entering Downing Street in consequence.
The Prime Minister has eschewed the chance to bind waverers with patronage in favour of promoting able loyalists who won’t make trouble.
That’s the single fact that stands out from the “low tragedy, high farce” of resignations, splits, divisions, principles and ambitions consuming British and Brexit politics.
There is no Commons majority for no deal, for a Canada deal mark two, or at the moment for a second referendum. But there is a majority for EFTA/EEA.
All but one of the current team has been appointed since May became Prime Minister. What institutional memory are they supposed to draw on?