The governments of the 1930s illustrate how little a huge majority is worth if it isn’t married to a strong and imaginative policy programme.
Gender, race and sexuality dominated the early phases of Tory modernisation. The Prime Minister is now scaling the most challenging peak: class.
Corbyn is unfitted to public office of any sort. All sensible Labour folk know it, but many cannot currently bring themselves to say it outright.
It’s past time that the record was set straight on the life and achievements of this remarkable Tory statesman.
The vast majority of people are neither Not-In-My-Backyarders nor Yes-In-My-Backyarders but Maybe-In-My-Backyarders.
As the Commons prepares to debates the effects of Brexit on these rights, here’s the story of how the Party has supplied them from Peel through to Cameron.
The ideal is all the more necessary in a polity in which a plurality of just 30-something percent can win you virtually untrammelled power.
But Samantha Cameron and Marina Wheeler have proved less forthcoming than Rachel Johnson and Sarah Vine.
Is he a Salisbury or a Baldwin, a Disraeli or a Thatcher?
Today is the tenth anniversary of his election as Conservative leader – the most electorally successful one in modern times bar Thatcher.
Nearly every observer expected the same result – a Conservative win with a reduced majority. This as found to be in error when the votes were counted.
As Labour’s conference opens, we can’t afford to lose our radical edge.
Commentators who think Elizabeth II has not done much to preserve the monarchy tend not to have imagined what another monarch might have been like.
It is now clear that Baldwin (and Chamberlain after him) steadily rebuilt Britain’s armed strength in a determined and prudent manner after 1934.
In 2005, the party still only had 17 women MPs. Ten years on, it is 68. The Universities are taking note.