He says he’s best placed to deliver Brexit, slash corporation tax and beat Corbyn. And adds “I am not going to criticise Boris for going to a posher public school than me.”
Governments are more likely to help create conditions for it by seeking economic growth, rather than well-being.
For how much longer can Ministers continue to try to defend a relationship which has become increasingly indefensible?
Whitehall’s touted model is inherently flawed. It was ruled out during the referendum and by the Conservative manifesto.
Protecting our open society against threats from authoritarian states is an essential battle. We must not lose.
The 2008 war was an illustration of the serious threat the Kremlin posed. It went unheeded, and so Russia has repeated the trick.
There would, quite rightly, be outrage if a senior Conservative figure delivered a speech to a crowd which waved fascist flags.
Throughout the Cold War there were many good people on the Left who held to what was right. Then there were people like Corbyn and Milne.
We cannot be the tired heavyweight in the twilight of their career landing a few punches. We need the energy and urgency of the underdog to go on the attack.
There is a legitimate question to be asked about whether UK universities have been fulfilling their duty to provide a model of reasoned discourse on Brexit.
There’s more than a hint in the air that they are happy to let the negotiation get sticky – and wait for capital to flee the UK and for investment to plummet.
The future leaders of the Left either don’t know their history, or prefer a made-up version of it.
Party members should elect our next Chairman and other key figures. Through this process, we will be able to identify talented candidates and platforms.
There is a Labour tradition of defending brutal dictatorships.
It backed nationalisation in the ’40s. It opposed Thatcher’s economic policy in the ’80s. It supported the Euro in the ’90s. And now it wants Single Market membership.