As a former Chief Secretary to the Treasury, I am uneasy about the bail-out of Flybe. Every time a private business is bailed out by the taxpayer, the pressure grows.
There is a good reason why they have rejected all limiting amendments to the Withdrawal Agreement, and are making legislative provision for swift divergence.
In the wake of Johnson’s deal, the Government must balance its plan for Northern Ireland with strengthening “our precious Union” – all four parts of it.
We can begin to see how a deal can now be agreed and then pass Parliament. But the obstacles are still formidable.
The last has failed to meet the objectives set out in both the original negotiating guidelines and in the Northen Ireland Protocol itself.
Had the Benn Act not been passed, it would be far stronger – as he presents his new “fair and reasonable compromise” to the EU.
The Commission is negotiating the terms of the UK’s withdrawal; yet the subject matter on which we are all stuck is not entirely within the jurisdiction of the EU.
So how are we going to get a new deal? The key is to build strong relationships, both across the Party, with our DUP allies, and with our European partners.
Single Market rules forbade the UK from ending this practice, despite widespread public outcry.
There may be greater willingness by Brussels to negotiate following populist successes in the European elections.
Some MPs, such as Charlie Elphicke, have been pushing to bring it back not just to bring joy to passengers, but to help revitalise ports and other seaside towns.
She should now put her deal to the Commons without the backstop – announce a firm date for her departure.
I see the former WTO director and Delors chef de Cabinet return to the unresolved debate about high or low alignment.
It may be unpalatable, but there’s no point arguing about retaining customs union membership if we can’t get out of the EU in the first place.
The Grantham and Stamford MP leaves the Conservative benches, to a cry of “Nick, don’t go” from one of his colleagues.