If there must be checks on goods leaving the island of Ireland, is it not more natural that they take place crossing the border where checks on persons already occur?
We must ensure that, just as the UK voted Leave to take back control, local people take back control themselves.
Any Cabinet member who throws their toys out of the pram at Chequers will receive a cold shoulder in the tearoom.
With the surge in the delivery economy this rule would boost growth. It would also help the emergency services – and those canvassing during election campaigns.
This type of relationship would reflect the existing pattern of UK-EU trade. It is a compromise that should win support amongst pragmatists.
When ministers meet at Chequers this week, they must find a solution to the seemingly intractable question of whether to align or diverge from the EU.
But a vote on some form of customs union is coming. Might it become a confidence issue?
This sector is a hugely important source of growth, tax revenues, and skilled jobs, but needs a supportive policy framework to really thrive.
I would propose that we pay a total of €12 billion as our “divorce bill” – even if there’s no FTA. But subject to three conditions.
Britain could flourish under the minimalist WTO-type settlement that seems to be his bottom line. But it is not the optimal outcome, and threatens a significant downside.
EURATOM, WTO quotas, open skies agreements, banks’ ability to lend – all these involve change which it may not be possible to effect by April 2019.
Many more may gain, but there are those who are understandably aggrieved nonetheless.
The final article in the author’s five-piece series on how Britain must prepare for March 31 2019 – and has less than 600 days to get it right.
Commentators underestimated our growth potential before the referendum – and some are still doing so.
Neither “Stop it or we’ll leave” nor “OK, we’ll comply but give us time” are good enough