My experience – mastering those detailed briefs, winning support, driving through reform – leaves me in the best position to achieve Brexit.
“So I will be reviewing our goal to get one million more disabled people in work by 2027. We can do more, and I want to set a new and more ambitious goal.”
All I am trying to do is give impetus to a national conversation about how our education system should prepare our young people for the future.
The new group’s platform is not very inspiring. But its biggest problem is it they won’t be very different from the Conservatives’.
No less than the ERG, the group of three sees everything through the prism of Brexit – which, let it not be forgotten, they voted to support themselves.
If you appoint Duncan Smith to the post she now holds, as Cameron did in 2010, it follows that you must fund his plan fully.
He may eventually be able to construct a case for return which, while tortuous, would not be beyond the reach of his powers of persuasion.
The Treasury should not simply accept the growth figures given by the OBR, but seek to raise them.
Over the last couple of years in groups I’ve run, people have become simultaneously more obsessed about the service and more concerned about waste.
The irony is that Hammond is appallingly placed to persuade voters that No Deal really does carry risks.
We must turn our departure into a spur for bold domestic reform, not allow it to become this generation’s Black Wednesday.
Five task forces cover energising our economy, transforming our public services, building a fairer society, sustaining our democracy and shaping a Global Britain.
We’re not only better than others at making choices about how to spend our own lives and money – it’s also extremely important for us to be able to do so.
This unusual leader still evokes passions in his Party even decades after his surprise election victory.
After, say, five years, we will have ample evidence of the social and economic effects. Enough to give legislators the confidence to go the next step – or not.