What has been the Conservative Party ‘s response at Westminster to this situation? Incredibly, it has been to offer Wales even more devolution.
The Party actually gained ground in both nations – but the Scots were overtaken by a Nationalist surge, whilst the Welsh were not.
The Welsh Political Barometer, for example, forecasts a great night for the Conservatives. They can’t both be right.
Where the Tories have rallied in Scotland, Labour appear to have done so here. There is a broad range of possible Conservative targets, but only a few anticipated gains.
As we champion the Union, we need to recognise that each nation is having a subtly different conversation with itself about its future.
Analysis of current polls shows the Party picking up nine or ten seats; my own sources suggest it will be more like six.
The first piece of a series this week about what the Conservative Manifesto should look like.
The two parties have different Brexit policies, and it would therefore be impossible for them to project a united appeal.
It may not be agreed at all with the EU – and if it is the numbers in the Commons are very tight indeed by our calculation.
Wales needs a genuinely patriotic party not a regionalist surrender party of Brussels courtesans which would reduce Wales to a voiceless province in the EU’s soft empire.
An agreement is unlikely to be reached at all. But these estimates, however rough, should give pause for thought.
If you like laws or sausages you shouldn’t watch either being made. Neither is the anatomy of the Cardiff Bay malfunction pretty.
Also: Welsh and Scottish Labour throw their weight behind EU referendum re-run after poll drubbing; UUP and Sinn Fein leaders in trouble.
In both countries, the votes of both Labour and especially the Conservatives have been squeezed between the Brexiteers and the separatists.
We seem to be heading back towards where British politics was between 2005 and 2015: in other words, towards more of a three or four or perhaps more party system.