There is nothing for productivity growth, ageing, minimum wage hikes, tailoring care to individual needs, or councils’ incentives to build more homes.
Our manifesto couldn’t reasonably be expected to predict the freak consequences of Covid in terms of rapid wage growth.
The overseas aid and Universal Credit decisions suggest that, for the first time in a while, the cause of fiscal conservatism is gaining the upper hand.
We should base it on an index of cumulative change in wages.
The first group of savings are about making the state more efficient, the second about creating a state focused on the core tasks of government.
Sending PPE to residences around the country must be done as soon as possible. Calling people “lambs to the slaughter” does not help, though.
People over 70 will be urged to stay at home for up to four months, he says. “That is the plan”, but “not yet”.
It’s also more pronounced than for Leave-Remain. We are about to see a disproportionately Tory cohort succeeded by a disproportionately Labour one.
Scrap HS2. Integrate social care. Abolish NI. Reverse police cuts. Consider a new Bill of Rights. And much, much more.
The Government needs to consider three strands if it is to offer a comprehensive solution: state support, private assets, and individual planning.
If ‘fair play’ is to mean anything, then it is vital that legal redress is available to all – regardless of income or background.
All teenagers should be taught at school about the structure of the British constitution – this would help improve the engagement and basis of knowledge for local government elections.
By 2018, we expect that figure to rise to 10 million employees newly saving or saving more – rivalling the combined populations of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.
Stamp Duty punishes those who could help free up the housing supply.
The Party is damned if she goes quickly, and damned if she doesn’t. And, all the while, the threat of a no confidence challenge hangs over her head.