Given the EU’s risk levels, its lack of investment in NATO and its poor relations with its neighbours, it is hardly an attractive partner; more of a liability.
The government’s initial response was in fact admirably Burkean. The full force of law was used sparingly. And you know what? It did the trick.
Some regions have already started to ease off lockdown measures. Here are their plans so far:
Britain cannot afford to take so long to incorporate international lessons as the epidemic progresses.
It’s only Day Three – but Brussels is angling for a Britain with “the rights of Canada and the obligations of Norway”. Will there be a Managed No Deal instead?
Doing so would improve social integration, enhance the contribution that migrants make, and allay public discontent over immigration.
For both Brexiteers and the EU, Brexit is a constitutional issue, from which economic consequences flow, rather than the other way around.
It would also be dishonest to claim that the thought of voting Liberal Democrat did not flicker momentarily as we’ve veered towards knuckle-head, pound-shop Orbanism.
While trade deals have taken on an important political and symbolic value, their benefits are typically smaller and slower to materialise than many realise.
Not only are Leavers and Remainers drifting further apart, but the various Remain factions are now engaged in a furious blame game.
The supporters of the softer Brexit and pro-Remain options have helped to do each other in. And Boles has walked out on the Conservative Party (it seems).
The Grantham and Stamford MP leaves the Conservative benches, to a cry of “Nick, don’t go” from one of his colleagues.
For many, WTO terms are good enough for trade and the compromises required for a deal are politically unacceptable.