The message that some send to Brussels – that if the Eurocrats make it all painful enough then we can be bullied into changing our minds – is mistaken but harmful.
All credit to her. She’s the first prime minister since Tony Blair to do one phone-in outside an election period. They always carry a slight risk for a politician.
Concerns dismissed by the then-Deputy Prime Minister in 2014 have been confirmed by the President of the EU Commission.
Alan Sugar’s idea of criminalising political lies is deeply unwise.
If the Conservatives spoke a progressive alliance, and meant it, they might be able to make some progress – and break down virulent anti-Toryism.
The idea that Brexit is a threat to defence co-operation is a myth.
It was, of course, back when he expected that his side was going to win. His party appears not to have taken the advice.
A key problem for Farron’s party is that Labour is competitive among young people – many of whom have not forgiven it for tuition fees.
Gender, race and sexuality dominated the early phases of Tory modernisation. The Prime Minister is now scaling the most challenging peak: class.
They are willing to support the Corbyn leadership even though they expect it to break a similar tuition fees promise to that broken by Nick Clegg.
They themselves are proving May’s argument that they cannot be trusted to protect our national interest.
The halcyon days of Charles Kennedy’s leadership offer a clear temptation to revert to the party’s old opportunist ways. Will their new, more governmental habits stick?
Plus: May’s legs, Starmer’s hair, Sturgeon’s legs, Warsi the enemy within, Carswell the rebel without, pigs may fly in Dumfries. And: A Rudd-faced Home Secretary.
Davis defied the Lords by carrying the Commons, but could not talk round Clegg.
Even when the question is properly specified, they offer voters a binary choice without any consideration of the consequences that potentially flow.