Voters will support a balanced narrative about Britain’s past in our schools, but they will want children to feel mostly pride in our past.
I have lost count as to how many Tories I have recently met who assume that we will be in power for the next ten to fifteen years. That worries me.
Most voters will have what to them are more pressing reasons to reject Corbyn than anti-semitism. But none expose more fully why he must be stopped.
What he detests is less liberalism than democracy, and the obstacle it poses to Russian foreign policy objectives.
Amidst verbal and actual violence, it is tempting to seek to shut down, say, Farage or Lammy altogether. But politics without anger would be impossible – and undesirable.
The New Zealand attack, the Birmingham school protests – and what we’re doing in the West Midlands to build cohesion and resilience.
The attack is a salutary reminder that all terrorists, by definition, believed in something and have a cause.
UKIP’s dominant figure tried and failed to keep his party free of Tommy Robinson’s poison. The worst possible people are taking over at the worst possible time.
These acts of remembrance may in some slight measure salve grief, and enable those who have not had to endure such things to give thanks for those who do.
The immediate effect of the election will be a period of fraught negotiation, but it might not be a bad change in the long-term.
McCain knew that politics should be a fierce contest, restrained by respect for civilians and one’s enemies.
There would, quite rightly, be outrage if a senior Conservative figure delivered a speech to a crowd which waved fascist flags.
The Law and Justice Party has sought to foment a poisonous dynamic which could do great harm to relations with Poland’s Jews.
If Britain joined in a moment of self-doubt, it voted out as a confident, self-assured, optimistic, outward-looking and independent nation state.