Given the EU’s risk levels, its lack of investment in NATO and its poor relations with its neighbours, it is hardly an attractive partner; more of a liability.
Or will Britain trade in its global reputation for lawfulness in exchange for keeping Trump sweet for trade?
Plus: No nay to Huawei. Or to HS2, too. And: my looming interview with Pompeo on his visit to London.
It is poor foreign policy. It will damage Israel’s counter-terrorism efforts. And it’s flagrantly unacceptable to the Palestinians.
Within Tehran’s divided and vengeful establishment, the race is on to avoid blame. But the regime as a whole has been found wanting.
We are well-placed to aid in de-escalating the crisis, and ultimately securing a diplomatic solution.
His decision to mistreat America’s traditional allies in the region, especially the Kurds, now look likes an even worse error of judgement than it did at the time.
The death toll that can be laid at his feet is far greater than that attributable to ISIS and Al Qaeda.
It is no secret that some senior civil servants in the Foreign Office do not share the Prime Minister’s commitment to implementing the Truro Recommendations.
The scale of his domestic ambitions and the legacy of the Iraq War suggest that his ambitions will be limited – for the moment at least.
The seriousness of the uprising can be judged by the severity of the crackdown. Over a hundred people are dead, and the internet has been shut down.
The UK’s role is limited, as we will not and cannot put our own people into this theatre – but we must do what we can.
The opposition are allowing him first dibs at forming a government. This is a major risk for them, because he is a famed dealmaker.
Too often the approach to disengagement and de-radicalisation has been dominated by non-Muslim academics, policy-makers and practitioners.
As well as a response to the immediate crisis, we need to start planning ahead properly and routinely.