Within Tehran’s divided and vengeful establishment, the race is on to avoid blame. But the regime as a whole has been found wanting.
We are well-placed to aid in de-escalating the crisis, and ultimately securing a diplomatic solution.
His decision to mistreat America’s traditional allies in the region, especially the Kurds, now look likes an even worse error of judgement than it did at the time.
The death toll that can be laid at his feet is far greater than that attributable to ISIS and Al Qaeda.
It is no secret that some senior civil servants in the Foreign Office do not share the Prime Minister’s commitment to implementing the Truro Recommendations.
The scale of his domestic ambitions and the legacy of the Iraq War suggest that his ambitions will be limited – for the moment at least.
The seriousness of the uprising can be judged by the severity of the crackdown. Over a hundred people are dead, and the internet has been shut down.
The UK’s role is limited, as we will not and cannot put our own people into this theatre – but we must do what we can.
The opposition are allowing him first dibs at forming a government. This is a major risk for them, because he is a famed dealmaker.
Too often the approach to disengagement and de-radicalisation has been dominated by non-Muslim academics, policy-makers and practitioners.
As well as a response to the immediate crisis, we need to start planning ahead properly and routinely.
He wants to know why the Government did not take more steps to safeguard British shipping, including an apparent offer of US support.
The defence minister talks to Sophy Ridge about the mounting confrontation with Iran in the Strait of Hormuz.
The real risk of all this is that it gets praised – but is then quietly filed away. What needs to happen is a change of Foreign Office culture.
I’m glad to see we’ve now had the guts to stop a tanker we believe is smuggling Iranian oil in defiance of sanctions on Syria.