Middle class hostility to the working class and lower middle class is common, while working class and lower middle class hostility is practically non-existent.
The NHS, the environment, childcare: the creative energies of Team Johnson must be poured into new policies for these.
The founder of The Big Issue expresses his aversion to liberalism, and his disappointment with the middle class.
It would be easy, but mistaken, to take the path of least resistance and simply re-enact the dated Cameron ‘modernising’ agenda.
Given that they saved the Party’s bacon, you would expect senior figures to say and do whatever it takes to keep them on side.
Too many corporate communications executives have more in common with left-wing Twitter activists than with their own customers.
With the stakes as high as they are, the Tories need to throw the kitchen sink at the Opposition to drag themselves ahead in the polls.
Do they become the party of the provincial working class and lower middle class? Or do they fight to maintain their status as the party of the affluent middle class?
Embracing this crude Marxist fiction has put the Conservative Party at risk of lasting electoral damage, particularly in London.
For all his manifesto mistakes, his core take is correct. The key people in elections are who he has always said they are: lower middle-class, provincial, home-owning voters.
We must design a conservatism that appeals to both.
There are many seats in London that are also C1/C2 heavy: it is just that they are outer London seats.
C1/C2 voters are hugely important in raw numerical terms. They make up 52 per cent of the electorate in England.
He isn’t perfect – and acclamation isn’t the ideal method. But the Conservatives face a crisis and must take action accordingly.
Other than saying, “the state should stay out of things”, they haven’t had much to say. This must change. They need to set out how they’d do things better.