Churchill in his Liberal days wore with pride the scar inflicted on his forehead by the copy of Commons Standing Orders hurled at him by an enraged Tory in 1912.
The present election will turn on whether MPs and activists put national popularity before ideological soundness.
A Prime Minister might, in the autumn, ask the Queen to prorogue Parliament until the day after exit is legally due on 31 October.
They’ve taken the central political technique of this form of populism — promising to spend other people’s money — and privatised it.
The 1922 Committee Executive has already pointed her towards the exit door. It should now take her gently by the arm, and steer her through it as soon as possible.
His critics claim his appointment as International Development Secretary “could lead to the death of thousands of the world’s poorest people”.
That’s to say, those of 1950, 1961, 1967 and 1971. Sovereignty was always the key concern, despite arguments over its meaning.
I like Fiona Bruce. I hope she can pull the programme out of the doldrums. But I fear its time has past.
Our innovative Earn Your Deposit Scheme would give the young a real chance to get on the housing ladder.
Bonar Law’s words in 1922 apply to the present leader: “The party elects a leader, and that leader chooses the policy, and if the party does not like it, they have to get another leader.”
Except, the former Deputy Prime Minister adds, that “the danger of doing it” is “perhaps a bigger risk”.
Plus: Osborne’s regrets, vintage Heseltine – and, after Germany, to Brighton, for what is claimed to be the biggest conference Labour has ever held.
Those who voted against same-sex marriage were more likely to support Leadsom than those who voted for the legislation, whilst the opposite was true for Gove.
And those that never were, such as 1978, 1991 and 2007. Prime Ministers tend to make the opposite error to that of their predecessors.
He calls it a “cancer at the heart of the Conservative Party”.