But unless his fully-developed vision of the future can capture heart-and-minds, I’d expect control of the party to stay with the mainstream.
Those who are pro-Brexit and those who oppose it have to negotiate the pitfalls of their own previous positions on red tape.
With a woof-woof here and a moo-moo there, there is a new Tory focus on our feathered, scaled, winged and four-legged friends.
Plus: May’s EU trials, Labour’s EU shifts – and how Russia got there before Trump by recognising Jerusalem as Israel’s capital. Well, part of it.
Plus: What it was like being gay and a Tory – and being sexually assaulted in the “Brief Encounter” – during the vanished world of the 1990s.
Though if May moves Philip Hammond, or seeks to, she is also likely to move Boris Johnson, or try to.
Gone are the days when the Prime Minister could sweep Corbyn aside as a ludicrous leftie.
The new rules require rebels to strike openly and in strength. Trying to get around them and do things the old-fashioned way… doesn’t work.
Those who voted against same-sex marriage were more likely to support Leadsom than those who voted for the legislation, whilst the opposite was true for Gove.
Charismatic, Oxbridge-educated, hailed as the man of destiny – is it too late for Johnson to learn from Portillo’s failure?
And those that never were, such as 1978, 1991 and 2007. Prime Ministers tend to make the opposite error to that of their predecessors.
The Conservative Party will never be able to command an overall majority again if it doesn’t stop treating its grassroots like dirt.
The former fear that it will revive what they believe are business-unfriendly ideas about foreign takeovers and workers on boards.
John Major secured more votes than any other Prime Minister in unpromising circumstances – but ‘stretching the elastic of democracy’ would cost the Party dearly.
Maastricht made it clear that the EU was leaving the UK, preferring to become a superstate. We could never agree to such a project.