As a bloc with heightened economic weight, with the UK as a key influence, it would have greater flexibility to negotiate over issues such as immigration and budgetary contributions.
A staple of stagecraft magic is misdirection. While his audience is gawping at one thing, the magician is swiftly doing another. So it may be now.
We set five tests for it. Does this draft agreement pass them? And does it really take back control of our borders, laws and money?
Various Leavers – and the head of the Remain campaign – predicted such an outcome. Now it seems we’re seeing it happen.
There are indeed mechanisms for mitigating damaging immigration flows, but these are tightly constrained.
We need to be alive to adding to the impression that the fixing of a social harm can wait a few months while we find a way to replace lost revenue.
It is a vital tool for speeding up applications and ensuring more reliable judgements, and is good for both applications and the state.
Meanwhile, my ECR colleagues and I continue to push for a sensible, nation-led approach to tackling the migration crisis.
Plus: When The Sun doesn’t shine and the Home Office doesn’t work. P.S: In solidarity with the former Waitrose food magazine editor, I will eat steak.
In the final article of our mini-series, the Onward Director says that there must also be a new strategy to help boost Britain’s productivity rate.
Wages are growing at their fastest rate for ten years, and employment is at a near-record high. But qualifications are necessary…
Brexit won’t be the most important factor shaping our growth over the next decade or so, whether we leave with an agreement or without one.
Both the type and quantity of migration that is desirable would be better decided at a more local level.
“In which EU country does the public when polled take the most positive view of immigration?”
Brady reports no confidence moves against May that might not be no confidence moves at all.