It may be necessary, given the Coronavirus, and could even work. But Britain has a long, long record of state spending failing to turbo-charge growth.
His message, that the Conservatives will win if the electoral battle is on identity politics and culture wars, is correct.
Regardless of whether the party chooses Starmer or Long-Bailey, it seems intent of fighting the last war next time.
This new government seems to want to concentrate its energies on giving Britain a cutting edge. Will it succeed where others have failed?
The tax burden isn’t a full measure of the size of the state. But it’s arguably the pre-eminent factor and certainly that which most concerns the TaxPayers’ Alliance.
Plus: Why won’t Corbyn come on LBC and give an interview? He hasn’t done once since becoming Labour leader.
In his need, Labour’s leader is turning for inspiration to a predecessor who will scarcely be at the top of his list of role models.
The more centralised her decision-making became, the less control over events she actually had.
The present election will turn on whether MPs and activists put national popularity before ideological soundness.
As the MP for the city seat for twelve years, I suppose I am as good a guide as anyone to the campaign ahead.
My most cherished memory of those early days was my first encounter with the MP for Huyton, Sir Harold Wilson.
She is one of the few Cabinet members who does not give the impression of having had her personality flattened by the sacrifices demanded by a ministerial career.
William Keegan’s memoir describes with ebullient good humour how he covered half a century of bad news.
Let’s see if Labour stands with Venezuela’s oppressed. For what party could truly say that it supports labour, while lending support to the butchery of labourers?
That’s to say, those of 1950, 1961, 1967 and 1971. Sovereignty was always the key concern, despite arguments over its meaning.