A new study asks good questions without providing good answers.
The two parties have different Brexit policies, and it would therefore be impossible for them to project a united appeal.
The speeding up of turnover rates has almost nothing to do with shifts to the right or left, and much more to do with wider cultural change in Parliament.
An agreement is unlikely to be reached at all. But these estimates, however rough, should give pause for thought.
That’s the first time this has been the case for more than two years – though the majority is small.
Today’s polls reveal some interesting things about the early days of Johnson’s premiership – and hint at the battles to come.
The Party cannot be one of the South and of the countryside if it is to engage with voters – and to win.
A Brexit Party win would have boosted Johnson’s campaign. This victory for Corbyn’s party may also do – though perhaps not quite to the same degree.
A Prime Minister might, in the autumn, ask the Queen to prorogue Parliament until the day after exit is legally due on 31 October.
The long-awaited Liberal Democrat revival in their traditional strongholds finally transpired. But the independents also made big gains.
It will take time to rebuild confidence in what has become a very disappointed and sceptical electorate.
A lethal combination of strategic incoherence and operational incompetence has seen the Remain wave pass the would-be mould-breakers by.
It is easy to conclude that the Conservatives were the biggest losers. The question of who won is more complicated.
Will they now seek to appease turbulent voters by rushing her-deal-plus-the-Customs-Union through the Commons?
The first piece of a series this week about what the Conservative Manifesto should look like.