We have long believed that those who build wealth in our nation should be able to pass on the fruits of their work to their children and grandchildren.
The Chancellor should resist the temptation to ease the path to June’s referendum and further his leadership ambitions.
He should stay on to give it the benefit of his finest hours, worst moments, close shaves, cock-ups, might-have-beens and, yes, wisdom.
The Chancellor doesn’t want to repeat Brown’s mistakes – if he wins the top job, there is a clear route to holding a snap election.
Establishing democratic government in Eastern Europe was the great success of the Cold War. Poland’s new administration has set about destroying it.
The Autumn Statement and Spending Review were far too interventionist.
“Why doesn’t the Prime Minister accept that his ability to command his Cabinet has simply disappeared?”
We can’t win a workable majority without breaking through in more seats in the urban and suburban North and Midlands.
Of course budgeting is about priorities: but the Comprehensive Spending Review decision seems short-termist and wrong.
He has succeeded in boosting recovery, but failed to eliminate the deficit. Now he must prove his determination to fix that roof – whether the sun is shining or not.
The Institute for Government’s new guide reminds us that the Conservative-Liberal Democrat partnership helped to improve Britain for the better.
And the worst example? Blair and Brown in their second term.
The savings still need to be made. The Government still struggles to judge Parliament’s mood. And why aren’t Bishops this angry about other injustices?
Yes, changes could be made to his plans – and probably will be. But the Chancellor is on the right side of a big, vital argument.
Twenty years at Harriet Harman’s high altar of all women shortlists and selection quotas are duly delivering their reward – for the Conservatives.