In his new book, Jeremy Black traces the history of Britain’s relations with the Continent, and how it bears on the Brexit debate.
Will fans of the EU establishment be quite so keen on unaccountable, centralised institutions when their opponents start appointing commissioners?
Maybe this new-party-with-a-charismatic-leader thing isn’t as easy as people imagined.
The Brexiteer backbencher argues the EU is “starting to get a reality check now” about the real possibility of inflexibility causing No Deal.
Where Farage, Johnson and Paterson once praised the Norway option, it is now denounced as apostasy.
It amounts to wishful thinking, not a workable, sustainable answer. And it’s not as easy to implement as some of its advocates make out.
At the root of concerns seems to be a fear about what might happen, rather than what the Withdrawal Agreement actually says.
Here in America, those I meet are surprised by Britain’s reluctance to let go of the apron strings that seem to tie us to the EU.
Unlike the angel, we’re unable to announce tidings of great joy. But it’s worth mulling why the Christmas season can pause even Brexit hostilities.
Our plan is supported by remainers like me, by leavers such as David Davis and Dominic Raab and, crucially, by the DUP.
This is what we have been doing at the Dover front line – working hard on preparations for disruption. We are making sure that we stand ready.
Let us hope not. It’s unlikely, but not completely impossible. The Government must battle four trends to reduce the risk.
The Gilets Jaunes protests are not just a challenge to his tax policy, but to the democratically elected government of France. He must hit back.
As a bloc with heightened economic weight, with the UK as a key influence, it would have greater flexibility to negotiate over issues such as immigration and budgetary contributions.
The UK will then, by negligence, have contributed to a catastrophic defence rift between the continents of Europe and North America.