I joined the Conservatives six months after this year’s general election, with a vision to help us progress in the area of social equality.
There is a case for the EU guaranteeting internal as well as external frontiers – which would make Scottish independence impossible were the UK to remain an EU member.
It backed nationalisation in the ’40s. It opposed Thatcher’s economic policy in the ’80s. It supported the Euro in the ’90s. And now it wants Single Market membership.
The absence of a trade agreement with the EU should not concern us – there are swift, practical ways to overcome possible issues.
What we are witnessing right now is one of those magnificent moments in British political history; a great Tory pivot.
The script for the new relationship with the EU must be written as much by those who valued it as by those who campaigned to leave it.
Maastricht made it clear that the EU was leaving the UK, preferring to become a superstate. We could never agree to such a project.
A curious alignment of remainer Unionists and Scottish nationalists was convinced that Brexit would cause the end of the UK. Fortunately, they were wrong.
Our current deficit could easily double in a less benign economic climate. Failure to take tough action would be reckless.
Without that difference, Brexit would not have happened.
A major risk and a priority in the negotiations must be maintaining the EU’s system of financial passporting for British institutions.
Such a deal would, on balance, be better than Most Favoured Nation Status. But MFN would be better than a bad deal – and giving up on regaining control of our borders.
Quietly, public support for getting on with delivering Leave will continue to swell.
Traditionally, a technocratic government would now steer the country through choppy waters. But this time that could lead to more instability.
With most ballots counted, he trails by 40 per cent to 60 per cent, on a 70 per cent turnout.