The European Court of Human Rights seems unlikely to block the Rwanda policy outright, but it could try to foul it up until after the next election.
It may be possible to be in favour of upholding the GFA and maintaining Northern Ireland’s place in the union whilst also favouring withdrawing from the Convention, but I am struggling to see how.
When push comes to shove, what will matter will be whether or not the arrivals stop – or at least that the voters believe that the Prime Minister really wants to halt them and is sparing no effort.
The Prime Minister must make up his mind whether or not to see through a policy to stop the small boats – now an issue of profound symbolic importance.
The new leader should review the Government’s current plans and focus limited time and political capital where it counts.
Unless Ministers get more grown-up in their rhetoric, they are going to set expectations at a level they cannot and should not meet.
The Court has simply made up its jurisdiction to provide interim relief. More specific to this case, it had no proper application before it.
It’s best thought of as a contagion that spreads across the divide between parties and factions.
Proposals that define Convention rights in ways other than the Court determines send the wrong message.
After a stumbling start, the Government is heading in the right direction on human rights reform. But there remains much to do.
The solution is emergency legislation that lists in a schedule every Russian national who has been the target of EU and US sanctions.
Two recent judgments reflect the concerns about overreach we have covered at Policy Exchange’s Judicial Power Project.
Such is the logic of the new Justice Secretary’s appointment – and the combative stance of the Attorney-General.
Channel crossings are a specific challenge that warrant a robust response: the Home Secretary should be mandated to ensure all who arrive by such means are removed.