I worked for both of them, and they were extraordinary human beings. But they were also both contingent, flawed, and also with their all-too-obvious blind spots.
It is time for the Commons to stop telling us what it’s against and to show what it’s for, which ought to be: this deal.
The Malthouse Amendment experience of different people coming together shows that unity is possible.
Sir Oliver Letwin pledges his support to the government’s Brexit deal when it comes to a vote.
On a vote on the deal, our calculation is that the Government will lose by two – though that bypasses abstentions. But such a vote is very unlikely today,
“If we have a deal we have a deal. And there is no need for any kind of prolongation. That’s not only the British view that’s my view too.”
“We’ve got a great new deal that takes back control – now Parliament should get Brexit done on Saturday.”
“The Article 50 negotiation process and principles for the United Kingdom’s departure from the European Union.”
“The main change relates to the future EU-UK economic relationship where the current UK government has opted for a model based on a Free Trade Agreement.”
By being so scornful, his critics have set a low bar for him. We are about to see whether he can astonish them by bounding over it.
It may not be agreed at all with the EU – and if it is the numbers in the Commons are very tight indeed by our calculation.
At stake here is whether Britain ultimately repatriates meaningful economy policy, or remains only ever one small step away from EU re-entry.
The Prime Minister himself has said that the May Withdrawal Agreement is dead – and dual-tariff systems for Northern Ireland would be unacceptable.
If a UK-EU deal is agreed, it will be because both men want one urgently – which in turn opens a chance to reset Anglo-Irish relations.
Let me give seven examples of principles that most Conservatives would support. I struggle to reconcile them with those pursuing a No Deal Brexit at any cost.