The former Labour MP’s defection, and the later split within that party, has not yet found in a parallel in our own turbulent times.
Behind his languid exterior lay a man of unusual principle, to whom all Conservatives have cause to be grateful.
Although Brexit has not yet taken place, it has already had an admirably invigorating effect on Parliament.
By 2022, Corbyn will no longer look ‘new’, and that he came close to winning in 2017 should mean that he will then be exposed to far greater scrutiny,
The Electoral Reform Society calculates that a tiny change in votes would have given May a bare majority last spring. But how much difference would this have made?
And those that never were, such as 1978, 1991 and 2007. Prime Ministers tend to make the opposite error to that of their predecessors.
He wouldn’t have let Cash and Fox, Johnson and Rees-Mogg seize the agenda. He would have fought Farage’s populism as he fought that of Powell.
Opinion polls which show Labour in contention cannot be reconciled with the public’s contempt for the party’s leader.
None the less, campaigns are not devised for the entertainment of journalists and websites. They are crafted to win votes. Which this one seems to be doing.
Direct rule from Westminster is the proper unionist option.
Parliamentary sovereignty has become fashionable among Europhiles who used to consider it barbaric.
He says that while Birmingham itself and Solihull are particularly buoyant, large parts of the region feel that they have missed out on growth.
Davis and Starmer said the EU referendum result must be respected, but Clarke upheld MPs’ right to defy it.
My guess is that he would have argued that this is a matter for Parliament, with no need to resort to the judiciary.
None the less, the local Conservatives exploited the climate of prejudice, while Labour sometimes bent to accommodate it.