The former Attorney-General also touches on Johnson and the £350 million – “a subject best parked” – and a definitive treatise on nymphomania.
EURATOM, WTO quotas, open skies agreements, banks’ ability to lend – all these involve change which it may not be possible to effect by April 2019.
Clarke, Grieve, Morgan, Soubry, Neill, Stephen Hammond, Wollaston, Sandbach and Lefroy back major changes to the Bill (as do some Brexiteers)
Although Brexit has not yet taken place, it has already had an admirably invigorating effect on Parliament.
What counts most is opposition to a Bill or to parts of it. And most Tory criticisms of the EU Withdrawal Bill aren’t coming from the Brexiteers.
She is now dependent on her critics if the new goverment is to work. This is a time for humility, reconciliation – and all hands on deck.
“It is untenable for us to play any further role in an organisation, such as Open Britain, which is advocating campaigning against Conservative MPs or candidates.”
Above all, don’t neglect the obvious. May is vulnerable to Tory revolts – as the NICs debacle proved. She wants a real working majority.
People that stab policeman and run over innocent civilians are murderous thugs – and that’s the end of it.
The European Convention on Human Rights is critical to holding the UK together.
Most of the latter are used to trying to stop rebellions, not start them.
Parliamentary sovereignty has become fashionable among Europhiles who used to consider it barbaric.
But he urges MPs to work together to secure “the best possible outcome” in Brexit, and will support the Bill.
Otherwise she will provoke a mutiny in her own ranks.
The former Director of Public Prosecutions did not serve under either Blair or Brown, and is hard to place in the strife which rends the Labour Party.