From January 1, no longer will anyone be able to say: “you can’t – EU rules”. We have jumped from the passenger seat to the pilot seat. So what should we do?
With her odd mixture of indiscretion and obedience, her contempt for liberal groupthink and love of freedom, she in many ways a useful ally.
Debate on the Agriculture Bill gives them the chance to call for more effective measures than those which independent assessments find wanting.
It spotlights both the challenges involved in operating an independent trade policy and the limited political rewards of doing so.
Trade negotiations and agreements are inherently political.
Before any deals are signed, MPs should get to vote on them – as will be the case with the other parties.
Take it from me that the US would walk away from talks if we tried to make the adoption of UK rules a precondition of any FTA.
And Dorries moves up a rank at the Department of Health to become a Minister of State.
Our scoping assessment shows there could be a £15.3 billion expansion in overall trade between the two countries, an 18 per cent increase on 2018 levels.
There will be some bruised personalities on the backbenches who will need careful managing over the next few months, and I hear that Spencer is already on the job.
Today I am launching a Free Trade Parliamentary Caucus, to help Parliamentarians learn about the topic – and to advocate for the policy.
The most important sector is one usually ignored. Small firms constitute 99 per cent of all business in the country.
Under the Prime Minister’s Brexit deal, long-term decisions will have to be made to a tight timetable.
Ever since the EU referendum, there’s been renewed focus on how to help poorer places. Helpfully there is decades of evidence about what does and doesn’t work.
While trade deals have taken on an important political and symbolic value, their benefits are typically smaller and slower to materialise than many realise.