The agreement that Johnson has obtained rights the wrongs inflicted by Major and a succession of Europhile Prime Ministers.
There may be greater willingness by Brussels to negotiate following populist successes in the European elections.
In his new book, Jeremy Black traces the history of Britain’s relations with the Continent, and how it bears on the Brexit debate.
That’s to say, those of 1950, 1961, 1967 and 1971. Sovereignty was always the key concern, despite arguments over its meaning.
The latter has never had the clout nor the resources required for it to do its ever-expanding task. It has had to play catch-up.
Andrew Adonis’ new study of Prime Ministers since Churchill shows how difficult it is to reach an acceptable, and practical, European policy.
We need to rekindle l’esprit communautaire, on both sides of the channel. In Walpole’s famous phrase, “this dance can no longer go”.
One take on the President is that behind the flamboyant tweeting is a conventional actor, who knows full well that jaw tweet jaw is better than war tweet war.
I can say, with hand on humble heart, that I have never seen, or even heard of, a document so unconstructively negative as the Guidelines.
But could Germany, in the wake of its election result, now become the prime bulwark against Macron’s and Juncker’s ambitions?
In her belief in “the good that government can do”, she is quite unique in terms of UK political post-war history.
Maastricht made it clear that the EU was leaving the UK, preferring to become a superstate. We could never agree to such a project.
We should not only meet our spending minimum, but exceed it in order to maximise our vital strategic and tactical needs.
But neither the American President’s concession to Britain nor the question of double standards are likely to deter some Parliamentarians.
Like May’s older-feeling government, America’s presidential candidates fit the demographic facts.