Simply banging on about the socialist 1970s will not cut it. We need our own vision. Focus on shared ownership as the model for new housing would be a good start.
We are not yet there, but it’s clear the Brexit cup is not, as some gloomily believe, half-empty but in reality very nearly full.
The PM lost her majority by running a single issue campaign which left Corbyn the chance to pose as the champion of ordinary people.
There has been radio silence from CCHQ since 2014. Any organisation that won’t declare a figure has the smell of decay about it.
But could Germany, in the wake of its election result, now become the prime bulwark against Macron’s and Juncker’s ambitions?
Our snap judgement is that Tory MPs and members are not. But there are warning signs: a fragile leader, a rusty machine – and a project that urgently needs renewal.
The former Attorney-General also touches on Johnson and the £350 million – “a subject best parked” – and a definitive treatise on nymphomania.
The suggestion here seems to be to keep current and future EU law – and thus the ECJ. We would accept EU laws as they developed without a say.
Conservative values underpin what it can achieve – whether in apprenticeships, manufacturing exports, jobs or contributions to good causes.
Cameron’s insistence on binding Britain to the OECD has undermined not just May’s vision for overseas development, but his own.
It was the former Prime Minister himself who presided over the drawing up of the Article 50 process from which there is no known means of resiling.
Those who voted against same-sex marriage were more likely to support Leadsom than those who voted for the legislation, whilst the opposite was true for Gove.
Between 1997 and 2005, public sector spending rose from £336 billion to £517 billion a year. But its output has increased little, so its productivity has fallen dramatically.
Our commitment to overseas development is under constant political pressure, but it enhances British soft power around the world.