Now, the best option for the Prime Minister is to try to work with Labour. Unless, of course, her backbench critics rethink.
Cynics suggest his leadership rivals stoked up this ‘crisis’ – if so, they (and outraged Labour MPs) might find their approach is backfiring.
Normally it’s the other way round. How long will it be before the traditional divide reasserts itself?
For many voters, cutting it is a litmus test of whether Brexit has been carried out or not.
With the backstop blocking progress in the negotiations, the Government must map out its plan to mitigate the effects of no agreement being reached.
Both the type and quantity of migration that is desirable would be better decided at a more local level.
Rees-Mogg on Javid’s approach to the post-Brexit immigration system. And he sees no way in which Parliament can block Brexit if the Government holds its nerve.
The UK should be willing to consider some flexibility in return for a trade deal – with Australia, with India, with Brazil and, yes, with the EU.
The immediate effect of the election will be a period of fraught negotiation, but it might not be a bad change in the long-term.
In the first of a new mini-series evaluating the EEA, the author of ‘Norway then Canada’ argues the route has been wrongly neglected.
Failing to take back control would be to ignore the largest democratic vote in British history. The consequences would be dire.
It’s likely that there will be some form of agreement, perhaps at the last minute. Likely, but far from certain.
The current system offends our allies and deters valuable skilled migrants. There is a better way.
It is absurd that every year we send home thousands of young Australians who would prefer to stay here, and Australia does the same with thousands of young Brits.
The myth has it that there never was such a plan – in fact, DexEU had a proposal to fulfil its promise of no ‘hard border’ while still overseeing a proper customs regime.