Andrew Haldenby, Director of Reform, asks if Brown really will change sufficiently in his approach to public services.

In his first speech as Prime Minister, Gordon Brown defined “change” as the mission of his premiership.  To quote the key paragraph:

“I have heard the need for change: change in our NHS; change in our schools; change with affordable housing; change to build trust in government; change to protect and extend the British way of life.”

He is right to do so.  Reform’s latest report – "Key policy lessons of the “Blair years” for future governments", released today – concludes that future governments should make a decisive break from the policies of the past decade if the UK is to overcome its deep-set problems of economic and social division.

Tony Blair’s valedictory speeches argued that his policies had delivered a Britain that is better across the board, and a public sector which is focused upon choice, competition, decentralisation and markets.  Some Conservatives have agreed with him, seeking to take his side against Gordon Brown.

A truer picture would recognise that the Government’s record in the
economy and public services is mixed at best, with aggregate
performance very poor in some areas.  For example, less than half of
children achieve five GCSEs at grades A*-C including English and
maths.  Where improvements have occurred – from lowering mortality
rates to lowering crime rates to economic growth – the key cause has
been private initiative rather than central action.

On policy, while some Ministers have accepted the drawbacks of central
direction and higher spending, they remain the cornerstones of
government policy.  Tony Blair actually enhanced the centralisation of
decision-making after 2001.  Genuine reform, which truly empowers
individuals and communities and minimises the role of government, has
remained the subject of speeches and discussion rather than actual

As a result, no politician should seek to be the “heir to Blair”.  The key lessons of the last decade are:

  • Go for structural reform.  There is no substitute for real
    reform which makes services accountable to their users, often by
    turning government from a provider into a deliverer.  City academies
    and Independent Sector Treatment Centres may increase diversity but
    they do not amount to structural change.
  • Make your reform plan before your election.  Ministers have
    made the clearest rhetorical commitment to reform in this Parliament,
    when their political capital is at its lowest.
  • Resist the temptation to centralise.  Faced with a lack of
    progress, the temptation for Ministers is to try to take a personal
    grip.  This is precisely what happened to Tony Blair in 2001.  He
    ramped up the apparatus of central direction, through institutions such
    as the Delivery Unit, and devoted personal time to meetings (public and
    private) with public sector workers.  But central direction removes the
    accountability of frontline managers.  And Ministers – even Prime
    Ministers – are subject to conflicting pressures; when another priority
    arrives, the momentum towards improvement is lost.
  • Understand the costs of spending.  Higher spending increases
    taxes, which stifles the private initiative that has been at the heart
    of so much that is good about Britain in the last ten years.  It also
    blocks public service reform by absorbing resources that could be
    better spent on new provision.
  • Will Gordon Brown learn these lessons – and achieve real “change”?
    Positively, he has spoken of a “new politics” which puts “more power in
    the hands of people”.  But his speech on education last week focused on
    a dramatic spending increase: an increase in annual education spending
    of 4.5 per cent of GDP, at a cost of around £51 billion to the
    taxpayer.  This would learn nothing from the experience of the last

Will David Cameron learn these lessons?  Reform’s analysis of current Conservative policy will follow this summer.

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