By Tim Montgomerie
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Cutting Rose

George Osborne is ready to attack the Labour brand

In my column for The Times (£)
I argue that if David Cameron and George Osborne could have designed an
opposition party then it would look a lot like that which is led by Ed
Miliband. The Labour leader's ratings remain incredibly low.
Voters still can't see him as prime minister. His team is populated by
people associated with the failed Brown/Blair years, notably Ed Balls.
Third, Labour hasn't taken steps to detoxify their reputation as a party
of debt, waste and taxes.

In my article I'm careful to explain that Labour's weaknesses don't
mean that the Tories are on course to win the next election. Far from
it. Although Labour is a weak electoral proposition so, unfortunately,
are we. The Right is split, the cuts are still to bite, the recovery is
unlikely to be strong and voters don't see Conservatives as on the side
of ordinary people. The point of my Times article isn't to argue that we
will win but that Labour is, in theory, beatable. Tory MPs tell me that
they can't find evidence of any enthusiasm for Labour on the doorsteps.
Labour's lead is reasonably wide but desperately thin. Its lead has,
however, been enough to tempt the Labour leadership into avoiding any
serious party modernisation.

understanding is that the Tory guns are about to open fire on Labour.
The guns have been silent until now for two reasons. Conservative HQ,
under instruction from George Osborne, wanted to carefully research the
best anti-Labour messages and then focus on just two or three. Mr
Osborne is determined to avoid the errors of the 1996/97 attack on Tony
Blair when the attacks were too inconsistent and too personal. The
Chancellor/ Chief Election Strategist has also wanted to wait until a
stage in the parliament where it would be hard for Labour to change
direction in response to the bombardment.

I've established that the Tory onslaught is likely to focus on three key weaknesses:

  1. "Target one is Labour’s borrowing plans. Using estimates from the
    Institute for Fiscal Studies, there’ll be a campaign reminiscent of the
    famous tax bombshell posters from 1992. It will be directed at Labour’s
    implicit plans to borrow £200 billion more.
  2. Target two will be Labour’s opposition to the coalition’s caps on
    benefits and immigration. Mr Osborne, in particular, sees these issues
    as possessing the potential to drive a wedge between Mr Miliband and
    Labour’s heartland, blue-collar voters.
  3. Finally, there’ll be a focus on the Labour leader himself. I’m
    reassured that the negativity won’t be personal but it will focus on Mr
    Miliband’s opposition to all of the coalition’s big deficit-reducing
    measures. The latest polling suggests the Conservatives enjoy a
    four-to-one advantage when it comes to a sense that they, rather than
    Labour, will take tough decisions."

Point two in that list of three is what I've previously described as the "Dukakis campaign"
– focusing on the metropolitan Leftism of today's Labour Party. The
latest British Social Attitudes data – published today – do suggest that
this is VERY fertile territory for the Conservatives. Attitudes to immigration and welfare are much harder than they've been for a very long time.
The British people are increasingly rejecting the idea that the state
is the best deliverer of welfare. They're right to think this. New
evidence from America confirms that the family is the key driver of social mobility and social justice.

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