When I tried to focus these concerns by calling for a vote to see if this deal did indeed have the agreement of Cabinet, opposition crumbled – and my colleagues fell silent.
It is an attractive destination, with a friendly population and a fascinating history, but it has been badly let down by officialdom.
Our plan is supported by remainers like me, by leavers such as David Davis and Dominic Raab and, crucially, by the DUP.
Does authority reside with Parliament or the People? And are MPs representatives or delegates? Both must be answered.
This is what we have been doing at the Dover front line – working hard on preparations for disruption. We are making sure that we stand ready.
Meanwhile, there is little common ground in which to find a solution which would satisfy many Remainers and Leavers simultaneously.
I set out the various permutations – and translate what the amendments to the Government’s motion mean.
If I had been offered this before the referendum in 2016, I would have seen it as a much better alternative to the status quo inside the EU.
It would be even more irresponsible than David Cameron putting an undefined “Leave the EU” option on the 2016 ballot paper.
Plays can be a useful pressure valve, and help expose their audiences to other points of view.
We decided to leave the EU but have continued to behave as if we were still in. But preparing for the future means knowing where we are.
Contrary to what we’re being told, the Fisheries, Trade and Immigration Bills don’t need to be brought forward prior to exit day.
I, like many colleagues, react badly to the Party’s decision to try and strong-arm me into voting for this deal.
It is an extraordinarly inexperienced team. None of the four senior whips were appointed before July 2016, and no junior whip before June 2017.
If you want to be sure that Brexit happens, however much you might dislike this plan, there is only one course of action – vote for it.