Not only would many borrowers feel pain, but the Opposition might well be tempted to seize the chance to pile on the pressure.
Parliament authorised Brexit through Article 50, but now risks refusing the Government the chance to guarantee legal continuity.
We must follow the example of Beveridge, Butler and Willink.
It follows that any Tory MP voting with Corbyn would thus be deprived of the whip, and ineligible to stand as a Party candidate in any election that followed.
Party members should elect our next Chairman and other key figures. Through this process, we will be able to identify talented candidates and platforms.
Though if May moves Philip Hammond, or seeks to, she is also likely to move Boris Johnson, or try to.
It would be the easiest, least disruptive, and most productive way for this country to genuinely leave the EU until we have a bespoke UK-EU deal.
We need to look at the write-off threshold more than the repayment threshold or bottom line fees to make a difference that young graduates can relate to.
If part of the country can walk out on its responsibilities to the rest at any time, fundamental functions of the Union will cease to operate.
All credit to her. She’s the first prime minister since Tony Blair to do one phone-in outside an election period. They always carry a slight risk for a politician.
It would achieve real competition, incentivise efficiency and bring prices down for the majority (companies would be forced to compete for new customers or wither fast).
Ministers would do well to listen to their colleagues who want to improve – not destroy – this laudable change to the welfare system.
Just as the MPs of the 1970s realised the need to understand economics, the MPs of the 21st Century must understand how we think, and why.
The youth vote is not one homogenous lump: more than half of school leavers won’t go to university, and won’t benefit from more generous student loan terms.