The framing of “facts versus feelings” won’t work for the liberal right on race any better than it has for the liberal left on immigration.
There are still five million adults – around one in ten – who are not online. Twice as many lack the skills and confidence to navigate the online world effectively.
Research suggests that the public salience of immigration has fallen significantly since 2016. What does this mean for the government going forward?
Not being white remains the number one demographic predictor of not voting Tory.
Treat claims of a communalist election with suspicion. The evidence suggests that ethnic minority voters prioritise domestic issues over foreign policy ones.
It offers interesting insights into the shape of public opinion in 2019. But talk of a ‘sea change’ away from freedom is hard to stand up.
Across this half-century, from Scarman after Brixton to MacPherson after Stephen Lawrence, governments have engaged only sporadically engaged with race.
Discussion of immigration is often dominated by those who are entirely ‘pro’ or ‘anti’, but most people are somewhere in between.
If the Conservatives had won 42 per cent from them too, our research projects that she would have won with a comfortable 42-seat majority.
Despite the lazy stereotypes, there’s a striking amount of common ground across partisan and referendum divides.
The Tories are making gradual rather than spectacular progress on ethnic diversity – as the party’s class of 2017 looks set to prove.
To restore trust on the issue requires both sides to balance the pressures and gains of immigration.
The need for extra resources will not go down a storm with Hammond. But if we want a system that is effective, fair and trusted, we should resource it accordingly.
Many feel British and have a Commonwealth attachment – but worry that the Brexit campaign is run by UKIP.
A new Office and Deputy Mayoralty could ensure new arrivals spoke English and promote cross-cultural contact, civic engagement, and British citizenship.