The Prime Minister’s stance on regulatory alignment is very hard indeed to square with his vision of a freewheeling Britain. Watch this space.
The proportion believing that she should quit before it happens remains stubbornly stuck at just under two in three of them.
It may be that the Prime Minister pulls off a diplomatic triumph during the next few days. But if she doesn’t, the Government, and a meaningful Brexit, could both be in serious trouble.
Where we might be on the issue this afternoon. If the briefing is correct, is it a win for May, a win for Varadkar – or the kicking of the can down the road?
Add together the totals of those named who backed Brexit, and one reaches a total of nearly 60 per cent of the vote.
The moral that many of his colleagues will quietly draw is that you cannot rely on the Conservative Party to treat you fairly if you run into trouble.
The Cabinet Ministers who backed Leave have gone along with a payment of some £50 billion. But they are digging in their heels over the role of the court – rightly.
The President’s state visit has already been postponed at least once. Doing so again is the least worst option.
A full third of replies either believe that Britain should pay the EU “not a penny” or that “it should be paying us”. Just over one in ten of respondents took the latter view.
The new Defence Secretary’s rawness may make him more likely to dig in against the Treasury than otherwise – precisely because he has a point to prove.
A small proportion of those who voted Remain are simply unable to move on from the referendum result – and taking refuge in conspiracy theory.
We have special questions on how much money, if any, Britain should pay the EU as part of Brexit settlement. And on which senior Ministers should be promoted to the Cabinet.
Dublin likes to cite the Belfast Agreement, and we certainly all need what it exemplified – that’s to say, a good old-fashioned face-saving fudge.
The FT has the balanced “Grim outlook overshadows housing drive” while the Times goes for “Hammond eases off austerity”. The i has “Hammond’s hard-hat budget”.
The lack of a Conservative Commons majority prevented the Chancellor from doing much more than playing it safe – which he did effectively.