Should the current Anyone-but-Netanyahu ensemble collapse under the weight of its diversity, he stands a good chance of returning.
It at least gives hope that, after the chaos and corruption of the last decade, some limited change and political accountability might at last be possible.
It is an essential British interest that Putin’s efforts to split Germany, France and Italy from the front line states fails.
As Julien Hoez puts it with undisguised satisfaction, France is “a far more politically liberal country than many believe.”
The country’s institutions have done a reasonable job of mediating disputes – and bringing about change without violence.
If the opposition can make the campaign about whether Hungarians want to be in the West, they have a chance of winning.
We need to signal that measures which would amount to war, such as a no-fly zone, should now be under consideration.
The invaded country will secure its lines, and if necessary try to regain access to the sea. It will be supported by unlimited Western resources.
Concerted action by the West has made many strategies short of war less viable. Will Russia go all the way, or return to economic pressure?
Be ready too, for him to surprise by doing less than expected, in the hope that the more skittish members of the Alliance peel off.
It is no longer possible to believe that one can sup with Putin provided one’s spoon is as long as the Nordstream 2 pipeline.
Our columnist provides the third piece in our series this week about Brexit – almost a year since the end of transition.
The naive globalisation of the 1990s has become a liability. Britain and its allies need to beef up their defences
Our mistake is to not to go ahead with our own proposed measures – and wait instead for Russia to act.
The next elections are set for 2023 – and the opposition fancy their chances so much that they’re calling for them to be brought forward.