Frost is correst that the UK would be within its rights to trigger Article 16 – the anti-diversion of trade provisions are in the text.
When our companies build factories there, the expertise changes hands – and companies fall under the influence of the Communist Party.
The negative economic and political real-world consequences of implementing the Protocol cannot be what either intended.
‘I would say there’s no need for any checks between Great Britain and Northern Ireland,’ says the former First Minister.
His report mischaracterises and simplifies the recommendation of a government commission on which I sat.
The industry’s claims, whether on animal welfare or economic value, simply do not stack up, and public support for action is strong.
That Switzerland and New Zealand each have their own arrangements suggests that a bespoke arrangement ought to be possible.
An agreement to extend grace periods would avoid the Government having to do so unilaterally, as it did previously.
The President’s instincts on Ireland and his approach to trade pull in different political directions.
The proper way for Parliament to oversee executive functions is to delegate them to a Cabinet it trusts to discharge them.
It’s also about much more, of course. But the wrangle over a legal principle is also over the consequences of enforcing it.
New Zealand shows how a very similar agricultural sector not only survived, but thrived, after shaking off protection and subsidy.
If Britain cannot do a trade deal with a country with which it shares a common language, history, and standards, then who can it do a deal with?
And the longer the impasse goes on, the stronger argument becomes that hypothetical risks to the Single Market are overriding political stability.
I can report from Geneva that the UK has been busy transforming trade right across the Commonwealth.