The Prime Minister has no way of even trying to ensure the dispute is over by April except capitulating to the EU.
Also: having missed his self-imposed deadline of October 28th, Heaton-Harris changes the law to push Stormont vote back to April.
Why has neither he nor Heaton-Harris pushed back against Sinn Fein’s nonsensical claims about ‘joint authority’ with Dublin?
Recent reports that ministers may give European judges a role in Ulster ‘forever’ have stoked fears London aims to cut and run.
It is worth remembering that the current backlash would be much worse had the Government not subsequently acted to unilaterally extend ‘grace periods’.
The DUP has suspended checks and Stormont is on the brink of collapse; if Truss cannot secure concessions, Johnson must act.
The EU insisted on setting aside the Province’s usual requirements for cross-community support. That could have consequences.
Poots has purged Foster’s old team and nominated an ex-spad as First Minister. These do not suggest confidence.
A united front against the sea border might be their best chance – regardless of the headaches it causes in Dublin, Brussels, or London.
Also: true scale of the Irish Protocol’s impact on commerce, and Stormont’s ‘rank incompetence’, show how Ulster unionism needs a refresh.
It may prove easier to maintain coordination when imposing the rules than easing them, especially if regional variegation is called for.
Also: schools and businesses shut down across the nation; DUP slammed in ‘cash-for-ash’ report; and Salmond’s trial continues.
It’s deeply disturbing for many that a modern European democracy might shortly be led by a party that continues to have its strategy overseen by an Army Council.
Also: Scottish Conservative leadership candidates set out how they’ll take the fight to the SNP; Jack says no referendum re-run in Sturgeon’s lifetime.
I would have preferred a negotiated solution to the sea border, but in the face of EU intransigence the new prime minister must protect the Union.