Ministers may be right in assuming that nothing like the full complement of those entitled to settle do so. But what if they’re wrong?
MPs seem to think ‘it doesn’t affect me, so I’ll think about it later’ when they hear complaints from Generation Rent.
Despite a surprisingly liberal migration policy, the bulk of the post-Brexit evidence so far suggests not.
He is averse to using numbers as the main instrument of control – perhaps viewing them as an arbitrary measure of success.
Yet another failure to keep a clear promise would be deeply damaging, especially in the ‘Red Wall’.
The most serious risk of all is the clear possibility that the new regime will lead to a massive increase of immigration.
Almost half of the UK’s fastest-growing startups have at least one foreign-born founder – many of whom came to the UK to study, then stayed to work.
This new plan from Onward would force the Government to set out its own plans and forecasts – and make the trade-offs that are inherent in migration policy.
Normally it’s the other way round. How long will it be before the traditional divide reasserts itself?
The description is misleading, and will deter young people from entering the sector. Ultimately, it will constrain the labour supply needed to build more houses.
Various Leavers – and the head of the Remain campaign – predicted such an outcome. Now it seems we’re seeing it happen.
It is a vital tool for speeding up applications and ensuring more reliable judgements, and is good for both applications and the state.
Meanwhile, my ECR colleagues and I continue to push for a sensible, nation-led approach to tackling the migration crisis.
Both the type and quantity of migration that is desirable would be better decided at a more local level.
We need to be clear and robust when it comes to tackling security and ending the abuses of European human rights laws.