He rose above his aristocratic pedigree to become the ultimate servant of his Queen and Country, and ensured that the Conservative Party had a strong foundation upon which to build in the Twentieth Century.
The odd thing about this author and hisĀ Guardian friends is that they cannot understand movement. Though they think of themselves as progressive, they are in many ways deeply reactionary.
Neither Starmer nor Flynn was able to spoil the PM’s day.
Mark Vickers writes in a sober, unsensational style, yet produces something surprising or even bizarre on almost every page.
Local pride in towns like Blyth is wounded at every turn by evidence of neglect, shoddiness and former greatness.
A new study by Anthony Seldon of the office of Prime Minister gives too little credit to the many among its 55 holders whom he dismisses as failures.
Superior pundits fail to see the Prime Minister’s debt to Disraeli, and consider Johnson such a scoundrel they underestimate his chances of success.
His columns from The Times are informed by his experience of what works, and more importantly, what doesn’t work.
Disraeli’s impudence and audacity, demonstrated in this collection of his sayings, cast light on the present Prime Minister’s conduct.
Where Thatcher’s leadership once hung in the balance, May promised to go.
The Prime Minister is also astute enough to get Gove to make the case for Meaningful Vote Three.
Bonar Law’s words in 1922 apply to the present leader: “The party elects a leader, and that leader chooses the policy, and if the party does not like it, they have to get another leader.”
An American scholar shows how British Conservatives welcomed universal suffrage, while German Conservatives were terrified of it.
The lack of a stake in the system is pushing the political profile of the youngest tranche of workers towards that of students.
He proposed a limit was placed on the number of life peers that could be created. Much criticism of the House of Lords could have been spared.