The Foreign Secretary might be inclined to roll over, as he is on the British Indian Ocean Territory, but he can’t order Stormont back to its feet.
The most likely-looking outcome, at this point, is the same one which has marked the entire process: another deadline from the Government coming and going.
The Prime Minister has no way of even trying to ensure the dispute is over by April except capitulating to the EU.
Also: having missed his self-imposed deadline of October 28th, Heaton-Harris changes the law to push Stormont vote back to April.
Chris Heaton-Harris will probably call elections sooner rather than later, but another share of his department’s dwindling stock of credibility is lost.
Why has neither he nor Heaton-Harris pushed back against Sinn Fein’s nonsensical claims about ‘joint authority’ with Dublin?
Also: Heaton-Harris holds firm on threat of fresh Stormont elections, but DUP insist they won’t restore power-sharing without movement on the Protocol.
Recent reports that ministers may give European judges a role in Ulster ‘forever’ have stoked fears London aims to cut and run.
Tories need to learn from the past: putting the problem out of mind is what squandered the victories over devolution in 1979.
Didn’t he forsee the marginalisation of his party that would follow the Agreement? And anticipate his own fall from office and power as well as his rise to both? The answers are veiled in mystery because so are his motivations.
The Party’s internationalist-minded Left talks the rebellious talk, but is less ready to walk the walk.
Also: the DUP can be forgiven for being sceptical that the Government will deliver on its Protocol promises.
Sefcovic’s language in response was more assuaging than we have seen from Brussels in previous UK-EU rows.
The Government could dangle before the EU another gain it wants in order to win a revised Protocol.
I would have preferred a negotiated solution to the sea border, but in the face of EU intransigence the new prime minister must protect the Union.