Just as we have the criminal law, and a police force to protect us from criminals, we need to decide as a nation what we want and do not want from social media, then set up an expert enforcement body – an algorithm patrol – and specialist court to see that we get it.
We once again have to think about defence requirements, national capabilities and strategic strengths. This is what Conservatives used to do. We are rediscovering that Conservative tradition.
When a pub closes, we do not simply lose a business. We lose somewhere birthdays are celebrated and football dissected, where neighbours become friends and people who might otherwise never meet end up discussing issues from politics to gardening to the best local takeaway.
Contrary to his parents’ wishes, the murder has become a political – and divisive – issue. Naturally there is close scrutiny of how the police acted and about wider police culture. But it has also revealed more about the character, temperament and political strategies of some leading politicians.
A high-trust society requires a shared moral language that knits us together and a common unifying culture. In parts of our country, we have a low-trust society, and multiculturalism is pulling apart our social fabric; and in such a society, justice cannot exist for much longer.
In a world where narrow waterways carry the essentials of modern living, the risks associated with chokepoints can no longer be treated as peripheral. For British households, the consequences are immediate and tangible.
The question about whether Britain is broken or not is then effectively moot. Few dispute that there are serious problems that need solving. What matters is what they are and how we solve them. The ‘what’ is easy, the ‘how’ is somewhat trickier.
We are already years behind in properly and adequately funding defence for the challenges we face. Deferring comes with real costs to both our armed forces and the companies that supply them. It is also revelatory: if governments want things to happen, they need more than ambition.
Conservatives believe in democratic government with choice between parties and philosophies at elections. We believe that Opposition is an important part of democratic government, to prevent a tyranny of the majority and to represent the views of legitimate minorities.
We may be about to witness the costs of a split vote on the right in the Makerfield by-election later this month, where just a few thousand – or even a few hundred – votes for Rupert Lowe’s Restore could prevent Reform UK from winning the seat.
This is not just about economics, but about the political survival of Conservatives in rural Britain. Rural voters do not simply want protection from change. They want evidence that their communities still matter economically, to believe their children can build a future without moving away.
It may produce speeches, joint statements and carefully staged photographs. It may unsettle some in Westminster who only remember devolution when it becomes a problem. It is not a mandate to break up Britain – but a nationalist attempt to utilise protest votes for permission.
A national conversation implies the nation supports defence. What nation? The SNP opposes nuclear submarines at Faslane, Sinn Fein is against the £50 million Defence Growth Deal in Northern Ireland and Plaid Cymru backs rural resiliance [sic] but ducks defence.
The answer is not to berate the commodification of housing, or treat housing as a public service to be commanded into existence. It is to fix the planning system, restore viability, and give the market the conditions it needs to deliver.