He could commit to some tangible metrics – i.e: reducing the tax code in length by 25 per cent by 2019, or pledging to abolish three taxes in each budget.
Much of it is excellent and a skeleton for delivery, but it will need work to put flesh on the bones.
The vast majority of people are neither Not-In-My-Backyarders nor Yes-In-My-Backyarders but Maybe-In-My-Backyarders.
The Labour Party created an asymmetrical and unfair constitutional settlement. Brexit will exacerbate it.
In large part, it has taken the post-truth idea up because of its own electoral weakness – and the feeling that it may not be just temporary.
The tale of the Troubled Families programme helps to prove that if the state doesn’t work properly, we won’t gain from leaving the EU.
To defeat populists on the right, liberal conservatives must show that immigration, like globalisation, benefits this country and its people,
The state is indirectly attacking an individual who has received death threats rather than take action against those threatening him.
She needs the larger majority that a poll would deliver if she is to achieve her programme at a time of pre-Brexit turbulence.
What stands in the way of the homes, jobs and savings proclaimed on the masthead of this site is not a state that’s too liberal, but one that’s not liberal enough.
Chasing the middle ground is based on showing that we ‘care’ – and that if you ‘care’ you have to intervene. But the interventions can make matters worse.
Aid reform based on ‘efficiency’ is a smokescreen. So a different narrative and approach is needed.
Officials, advisers and Ministers will always need external expertise: what we need are conservative-minded experts.
The UK needs a political strategy to get the best deal – and we must be willing to sacrifice any and all other policies to achieve it.
Both consumer price inflation and higher interest rates are needed.